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|
Matches 5,601 to 5,650 of 5,961
| # |
Notes |
Linked to |
| 5601 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
Abraham Brown was one of the early settlers of Watertown, MA.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
Abraham Brown was one of the early settlers of Watertown, MA. | Brown, Abraham (I5429)
|
| 5602 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
Estate of Rev. William Worcester of Salisbury
Essex Probate Docket # 30679
I willi: Worcester being || Sick & || weake of body but of sound & pfct memorie doe make & ordeine this my laft wil
& Testamt as followeth:
Imp my will is that my beloued wyfe: shall haue that bonde of fiftie pound wch is due vnto me from Thomas clarke
of Boston Iron munger: she securing my daughter in Law Rebecka bilie of wt remaynes due to hir out of yt bonde
Also my will is that my myfe shall haue the vFe & benefit of my dwelling house oarchyard & house lott duering the
time of hir widohood; & three cowes comonage: duering ye sd term
Also that my wyfe shall haue wt moneys soever as due in England : for rent : for wt lands & houseing belongs vnto
her, or anyother wayes due
Itt: I doe giue & bequeath avnto my sonn Samuell worcester my last higledee pigledee lott of Salt marsh lying
towards Merimack Rivers mouth: & als a silver wine bole that hath ye letters of his name ingraven vppon it & a
thousand of pine board towards the finishing of his house: as also all my wareing Apparrell; myminde is yt my
grandchilde willia: worcester * * Samuels childle shall haue ye Sylver wine boule * * named
Itt: I doe giue & bequeath to my daughter Susana s * * my pide mare Colt :
It: I doe giu vnto my grand childe Rebecka stacy five pound in houshold stuff : such as her grandmother shal thinke
meet
It: I doe giue & bequeathe to my Sonne william worcester all my vpland wthin ye bounds of the new towne of
Salisbury : wth all rights & privilidges thervnto belonging as also my first Higgle pigledee lott of Salt Marsh : & all
my lott of Sweepage at the beache : by my land at ye newtown: my meaning is : my twenty acre lott abuttin vpon
merimack River & the sevnty acres granted vnto mee by the towne of Salisbury lyng next : to the land of Capt Pike
" n esterly:
Itt: I doe give & bequeath vnto my sone Timothie worcester & to my Sonn Moses woster all the remaynder of my
lands both vpland Marsh & meadow, lyng & being wthin the bounds of the old towne of Salisbury wth all rights,
Comonages & privilidges thervnto belonging (Except before Exepted) to bee equally devided between them:
prsently after my decease Also I doe giue vnto my said Sonns Timothe & Moses: my dwelling house, orchyard &
house lott: after their mothers death or day of mariage wch first happens : to bee equally divided between them &
to haue the barne prsently after my decease wth free egress & regress vnto ye sd barne : to cary hay or corne of
ye like" Always pvided that the marsh Lott: wch was formerly my wyfes by hir former husband mr John Hall :
remayne to the vse of my Said wyfe hir heirs & assignes for ever.
It: I doe giue & bequeath vnto my Sonne william : my pride mare : & a cowe that is cald short & fiue povnd in
houshold goods :: all other guifts by any to my said sonne Comprhended in ye abouesd estate giuen || by me || vnto
him
It: I doe giue & bequeath vnto my Sonne Timothy my old horse : & a cowe cald : Cherry & fiue pound in houshold
goods
It: I doe giue & bequeath vnto my Sonne Moses my young mare between two & three yeare old & also the young
heifer & fiue pound in household goods:
It: I doe giue vnto my grandchild willia worcester : my Cow cald the Barbar
It: I do giue vnto my Daughter stacy : yt cowe which is cald the young cowe : & also my two yearling steers
It: I do giue vnto my grand Childe Rebecka stacy : my two yeare old steeres
It: my will is that all the Cattle : before named in this my will be wintered wth the hay pvide for them if ye owners
please
I doe giue vnto my Daughter Rebecka : Bylie : my brass Chafendish; & also I giue vnto her a booke of mr anthony
Burgases concerning the tryall of grace, as a small tolen of my Specyall loue vnto hir
It: I doe giue vnot my servant mayde Hannah Hendrick : tenn shillings
It: I doe appoint my loueing freinds Capt Robert Pike my brother Edward ffrench : Richard wells & mr Tho :
Bradbury to bee overseers of this my will & testamt & for the care & paynes theirin I doe bequeath vnto each of
them twenty shillings to bee payd vnto them: out of my library in some good || English || authors, as they shall like
off
Lastly my will is that my dearly & welbeeloved wyfe : rebecka worcester to bee my sole Executrix vnto this my last
will & testament
It: my will is that after my wyfe hath taken hir owne books out of my library & wt others shal think meet for hir vse;
and ye * * ond x ryd in books to my overseers as afore (remainder of page torn to bottom) books shalbe sold
s willia: Timathie portion: It: my will is that all discharged & pay'd the remayne & bee to ye utrix afore named
In wittness wherof hervnto sett my hand wittness
Tho: Bradbury
Robert Pyke
Edward ffrnch
Richard Wells
wheras it is be reaminder of giuen to my Sonns to each an equall p that my books shalbe yte : to disposof a
I haue gaiven to my wittness to this last addicon of the will this 18th day of Octobr
Tho: Bradbury
John Severance
Source: The will of Rev. William Worcester of Salisbury was proved before Samuel Symonds and Daniel Denison
Dec. 2, 1662 in the Norfolk county court. The copy was made from the original on file in the probate office at
Salem.
"The Essex Antiquarian" Vol. XI, #2, pp. 60-1
Submitted by: Roseanne Montgomery
[maryabbywhite.FTW]
Estate of Rev. William Worcester of Salisbury
Essex Probate Docket # 30679
I willi: Worcester being || Sick & || weake of body but of sound & pfct memorie doe make & ordeine this my laft wil
& Testamt as followeth:
Imp my will is that my beloued wyfe: shall haue that bonde of fiftie pound wch is due vnto me from Thomas clarke
of Boston Iron munger: she securing my daughter in Law Rebecka bilie of wt remaynes due to hir out of yt bonde
Also my will is that my myfe shall haue the vFe & benefit of my dwelling house oarchyard & house lott duering the
time of hir widohood; & three cowes comonage: duering ye sd term
Also that my wyfe shall haue wt moneys soever as due in England : for rent : for wt lands & houseing belongs vnto
her, or anyother wayes due
Itt: I doe giue & bequeath avnto my sonn Samuell worcester my last higledee pigledee lott of Salt marsh lying
towards Merimack Rivers mouth: & als a silver wine bole that hath ye letters of his name ingraven vppon it & a
thousand of pine board towards the finishing of his house: as also all my wareing Apparrell; myminde is yt my
grandchilde willia: worcester * * Samuels childle shall haue ye Sylver wine boule * * named
Itt: I doe giue & bequeath to my daughter Susana s * * my pide mare Colt :
It: I doe giu vnto my grand childe Rebecka stacy five pound in houshold stuff : such as her grandmother shal thinke
meet
It: I doe giue & bequeathe to my Sonne william worcester all my vpland wthin ye bounds of the new towne of
Salisbury : wth all rights & privilidges thervnto belonging as also my first Higgle pigledee lott of Salt Marsh : & all
my lott of Sweepage at the beache : by my land at ye newtown: my meaning is : my twenty acre lott abuttin vpon
merimack River & the sevnty acres granted vnto mee by the towne of Salisbury lyng next : to the land of Capt Pike
" n esterly:
Itt: I doe give & bequeath vnto my sone Timothie worcester & to my Sonn Moses woster all the remaynder of my
lands both vpland Marsh & meadow, lyng & being wthin the bounds of the old towne of Salisbury wth all rights,
Comonages & privilidges thervnto belonging (Except before Exepted) to bee equally devided between them:
prsently after my decease Also I doe giue vnto my said Sonns Timothe & Moses: my dwelling house, orchyard &
house lott: after their mothers death or day of mariage wch first happens : to bee equally divided between them &
to haue the barne prsently after my decease wth free egress & regress vnto ye sd barne : to cary hay or corne of
ye like" Always pvided that the marsh Lott: wch was formerly my wyfes by hir former husband mr John Hall :
remayne to the vse of my Said wyfe hir heirs & assignes for ever.
It: I doe giue & bequeath vnto my Sonne william : my pride mare : & a cowe that is cald short & fiue povnd in
houshold goods :: all other guifts by any to my said sonne Comprhended in ye abouesd estate giuen || by me || vnto
him
It: I doe giue & bequeath vnto my Sonne Timothy my old horse : & a cowe cald : Cherry & fiue pound in houshold
goods
It: I doe giue & bequeath vnto my Sonne Moses my young mare between two & three yeare old & also the young
heifer & fiue pound in household goods:
It: I doe giue vnto my grandchild willia worcester : my Cow cald the Barbar
It: I do giue vnto my Daughter stacy : yt cowe which is cald the young cowe : & also my two yearling steers
It: I do giue vnto my grand Childe Rebecka stacy : my two yeare old steeres
It: my will is that all the Cattle : before named in this my will be wintered wth the hay pvide for them if ye owners
please
I doe giue vnto my Daughter Rebecka : Bylie : my brass Chafendish; & also I giue vnto her a booke of mr anthony
Burgases concerning the tryall of grace, as a small tolen of my Specyall loue vnto hir
It: I doe giue vnot my servant mayde Hannah Hendrick : tenn shillings
It: I doe appoint my loueing freinds Capt Robert Pike my brother Edward ffrench : Richard wells & mr Tho :
Bradbury to bee overseers of this my will & testamt & for the care & paynes theirin I doe bequeath vnto each of
them twenty shillings to bee payd vnto them: out of my library in some good || English || authors, as they shall like
off
Lastly my will is that my dearly & welbeeloved wyfe : rebecka worcester to bee my sole Executrix vnto this my last
will & testament
It: my will is that after my wyfe hath taken hir owne books out of my library & wt others shal think meet for hir vse;
and ye * * ond x ryd in books to my overseers as afore (remainder of page torn to bottom) books shalbe sold
s willia: Timathie portion: It: my will is that all discharged & pay'd the remayne & bee to ye utrix afore named
In wittness wherof hervnto sett my hand wittness
Tho: Bradbury
Robert Pyke
Edward ffrnch
Richard Wells
wheras it is be reaminder of giuen to my Sonns to each an equall p that my books shalbe yte : to disposof a
I haue gaiven to my wittness to this last addicon of the will this 18th day of Octobr
Tho: Bradbury
John Severance
Source: The will of Rev. William Worcester of Salisbury was proved before Samuel Symonds and Daniel Denison
Dec. 2, 1662 in the Norfolk county court. The copy was made from the original on file in the probate office at
Salem.
"The Essex Antiquarian" Vol. XI, #2, pp. 60-1
Submitted by: Roseanne Montgomery | Worcester, William (I5289)
|
| 5603 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He and his cousin, John, (a son of Mark White, Jr.) were in the Battle of Lexington/Concord on 19 Apr 1775. They were both in Captain David Brown's Company. Ammi is said to have killed an British soldier with an ax. One story by William Emerson said, "a country youth, on his way to join the provincial forces, was approaching the battle site with hatchet in hand when a dying Redcoat stirred. Frightened, the young man-a twenty-one-year-old Minuteman named Ammi White-struck the soldier with his ax." Another story by Mrs. Peter Barrett, the colonol's daughter-in-law, told a nineteeth-century interviewer that the Redcoat was trying to drown himself in a puddle of water and begging someone to kill him and Young White put the soldier out of his misery. Emerson watched Ammi White and observed that he was bothered by the event through his life. His cousin John was also bothered by the war and nearly turned pacifist after experiencing combat. In later years he often said he had found war, to be "a great calamity" and the life of a soldier uncongenial to his nature, and "though he discharged his musket many times...he hoped he had killed none of the enemy." He became a storekeeper and a Deacon in his church in Concord. (The Minutemen and Their World.)
Ammi moved his family to Westmoreland, NH in 1799, where he farmed quietly for the rest of his life. He purchased the estate of Jonas Butterfield, settled in 1796. Nathan Estabrooks of Putney purchased it and in 1800 it was conveyed to Ammi White, a cabinetmaker, from Concord, MA; whose farm consisted of all the lands in the Westmoreland Depot (Forest Hall) area. Charles White acquired his father's homestead by will prior to 1827 and sold it in 1848 to Samuel Dorr.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He and his cousin, John, (a son of Mark White, Jr.) were in the Battle of Lexington/Concord on 19 Apr 1775. They were both in Captain David Brown's Company. Ammi is said to have killed an British soldier with an ax. One story by William Emerson said, "a country youth, on his way to join the provincial forces, was approaching the battle site with hatchet in hand when a dying Redcoat stirred. Frightened, the young man-a twenty-one-year-old Minuteman named Ammi White-struck the soldier with his ax." Another story by Mrs. Peter Barrett, the colonol's daughter-in-law, told a nineteeth-century interviewer that the Redcoat was trying to drown himself in a puddle of water and begging someone to kill him and Young White put the soldier out of his misery. Emerson watched Ammi White and observed that he was bothered by the event through his life. His cousin John was also bothered by the war and nearly turned pacifist after experiencing combat. In later years he often said he had found war, to be "a great calamity" and the life of a soldier uncongenial to his nature, and "though he discharged his musket many times...he hoped he had killed none of the enemy." He became a storekeeper and a Deacon in his church in Concord. (The Minutemen and Their World.)
Ammi moved his family to Westmoreland, NH in 1799, where he farmed quietly for the rest of his life. He purchased the estate of Jonas Butterfield, settled in 1796. Nathan Estabrooks of Putney purchased it and in 1800 it was conveyed to Ammi White, a cabinetmaker, from Concord, MA; whose farm consisted of all the lands in the Westmoreland Depot (Forest Hall) area. Charles White acquired his father's homestead by will prior to 1827 and sold it in 1848 to Samuel Dorr. | White, Ammi (I5091)
|
| 5604 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He appears to be the only son who came with his parents, he then aged
twenty. H resided first, in Watertown, but soon removed to Dedham, where
he received, on the 18th day of the 6th month, 1636, twelve acres of land
for a home lot, a part of which was a swamp lying on the "way leading from
the Keys (a landing on the Charles River) unto the pond (Wigwam Pond)."
From the Morse Genealogy.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He appears to be the only son who came with his parents, he then aged
twenty. H resided first, in Watertown, but soon removed to Dedham, where
he received, on the 18th day of the 6th month, 1636, twelve acres of land
for a home lot, a part of which was a swamp lying on the "way leading from
the Keys (a landing on the Charles River) unto the pond (Wigwam Pond)."
From the Morse Genealogy. | Morse, Joseph (I4921)
|
| 5605 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He belonged to a family that had long been settled in the southern part of Devonshire. Sometine around 1640, he immigrated to America. It is certain that not all of his children came with him, but one, Mrs Thomas Finson, (who may have been the "Ester" mentioned in a cousin's [Stephen Harwood] will) may have accompanied him, as they were living together in Boston, MA in 1644; and possibly one or two others may have come with him also. He was made a Freeman in Boston on 28 Feb 1643. In Nov 1644 he was mentioned in the will of his son-in-law, Thomas Finson, mariner, late of Dartmouth who died aboard the ship, Gilbert, in September.
The earliest record of him is contained in the will of his cousin, or kinsman, Stephen Harwood,of St. Saviours, Dartmouth, Devon, cooper, who was dying of the plague at the time his will was made, 5 Sep 1627. His daughter, Ester, was named as one of the executrix, so she must have been of legal age in 1627.
The last mention of him was in connection with a legal controversy going on between two of his neighbors, Christopher Lawson and Thomas Beard, in Boston in Sept 1645. He was probably living with his daughter, Mrs. Thomas Finson, who was in Boston.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He belonged to a family that had long been settled in the southern part of Devonshire. Sometine around 1640, he immigrated to America. It is certain that not all of his children came with him, but one, Mrs Thomas Finson, (who may have been the "Ester" mentioned in a cousin's [Stephen Harwood] will) may have accompanied him, as they were living together in Boston, MA in 1644; and possibly one or two others may have come with him also. He was made a Freeman in Boston on 28 Feb 1643. In Nov 1644 he was mentioned in the will of his son-in-law, Thomas Finson, mariner, late of Dartmouth who died aboard the ship, Gilbert, in September.
The earliest record of him is contained in the will of his cousin, or kinsman, Stephen Harwood,of St. Saviours, Dartmouth, Devon, cooper, who was dying of the plague at the time his will was made, 5 Sep 1627. His daughter, Ester, was named as one of the executrix, so she must have been of legal age in 1627.
The last mention of him was in connection with a legal controversy going on between two of his neighbors, Christopher Lawson and Thomas Beard, in Boston in Sept 1645. He was probably living with his daughter, Mrs. Thomas Finson, who was in Boston. | Harwood, Andrew (I5060)
|
| 5606 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He came to America when he was already advanced in years, with his grown
family, among whom were Richard Jr., and Thomas, and perhaps other sons.
No mention is made of his wife or her death, it is probable that she did
in England before the family sailed for New England. He took the oath of
allegiance in New Haven, 5 Aug 1644. Early in the Spring of that year he
was one of the company of proprietors who took possession of their
purchase of "Totoket", now called Branford, in the colony of New Haven.
He signed the divisions of land at Branford, 1 Jul 1646, which is probably
the first extant of Branford, and is called "Old Harrison" on the Branford
records. He remained in Branford until his death. (From Genealogies of
Early CT Families, p2008.) | Harrison, Richard (I5409)
|
| 5607 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He is called Francis DEAN in some records.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He is called Francis DEAN in some records. | Dane, Francis (I5191)
|
| 5608 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He lived in Frye Village near the Osgoods.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He lived in Frye Village near the Osgoods. | Moors, Daniel (I5214)
|
| 5609 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He lived in Haverhill, Methuen, Nottingham West, and then Groton until about 1797. He then lived in Tyngsboro until about 1811, and then Groton again frrom about 1811 until his death. He was a yeoman as his occupation. (The Desc. of Rev William Worcester)[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He lived in Haverhill, Methuen, Nottingham West, and then Groton until about 1797. He then lived in Tyngsboro until about 1811, and then Groton again frrom about 1811 until his death. He was a yeoman as his occupation. (The Desc. of Rev William Worcester) | Worcester, Jonathan (I4926)
|
| 5610 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He lived in N. H. after being in Shirley, MA in 1758. He died by downing.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He lived in N. H. after being in Shirley, MA in 1758. He died by downing. | Moors, Jonathan (I5219)
|
| 5611 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He settled in New Haven about 1639 and was one of the first settlers there. He was Treasurer of the N.H. Colony. In 1661 or 1662 he appraised the estate of Thomas Jeffery, (Sgt.)
From web page: http://www.otal.umd.edu/~walt/gen/htmfile/1336.htm
Roger Alling came to America in 1638 from Kempston, Bedford, England. He was a sergeant and the treasurer of the New Haven colony.
In 1661 or 1662 he appraised the estate of Thomas Jeffery, (Sgt.)[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He settled in New Haven about 1639 and was one of the first settlers there. He was Treasurer of the N.H. Colony. In 1661 or 1662 he appraised the estate of Thomas Jeffery, (Sgt.)
From web page: http://www.otal.umd.edu/~walt/gen/htmfile/1336.htm
Roger Alling came to America in 1638 from Kempston, Bedford, England. He was a sergeant and the treasurer of the New Haven colony.
In 1661 or 1662 he appraised the estate of Thomas Jeffery, (Sgt.) | Alling, Roger (I5335)
|
| 5612 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He settled in New Haven about 1643 or 1644.
He was born in the Bringley area, but it could have been in Mindon or Bradley.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He settled in New Haven about 1643 or 1644.
He was born in the Bringley area, but it could have been in Mindon or Bradley. | Bradley, William (I5404)
|
| 5613 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He was a cooper and had a shop on the land. He and Lydia had five children and three, one boy and two girls, lived to adulthood.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He was a cooper and had a shop on the land. He and Lydia had five children and three, one boy and two girls, lived to adulthood. | White, Samuel (I5086)
|
| 5614 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He was a member of the Gregson family of Sherrow Hall, Thurvaston, Derbyshire, England. He was the treasurer and Magistrate of the New Haven Colony, and the Commisioner for the United Colonies.
He was the 2nd son of 5, and had a younger sister also.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He was a member of the Gregson family of Sherrow Hall, Thurvaston, Derbyshire, England. He was the treasurer and Magistrate of the New Haven Colony, and the Commisioner for the United Colonies.
He was the 2nd son of 5, and had a younger sister also. | Gregson, Thomas (I5421)
|
| 5615 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He was apprenticed in Eng to the distilling of strong liquors. Soon after he cane to New Enland and was in Concord by 1639 where he was one of the first settlers. He moved to Charlestown was admitted to the church there by 21 Mar 1652.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He was apprenticed in Eng to the distilling of strong liquors. Soon after he cane to New Enland and was in Concord by 1639 where he was one of the first settlers. He moved to Charlestown was admitted to the church there by 21 Mar 1652. | Edmands, Walter (I5017)
|
| 5616 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He was christened as an adult.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He was christened as an adult. | Hitchcock, Nathaniel (I5342)
|
| 5617 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He was of Lynn, Reading, and Boston; and in 1670 Deputy Governor of Nova Scotia and Acadia (under Sir Thomas Temple, Bart.)[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He was of Lynn, Reading, and Boston; and in 1670 Deputy Governor of Nova Scotia and Acadia (under Sir Thomas Temple, Bart.) | Walker, Richard (I5124)
|
| 5618 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He was of New Haven when his daughter married.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He was of New Haven when his daughter married. | Brown, Gorsham (I5171)
|
| 5619 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He was the immigrant ancestor and was in Wethersfield, CT as early as 1640. He removed to Springfield, MA in 1643 and was living in Milford, CT by 18 Dec 1653. He was admitted a freeman in Apr 1648. He removed to New HAven where he died. (CT. Genealogies)
Roger Prichard, his wife Frances, and children Alice, Joan, and Nathaniel, arrived in Boston harbor in 1636. On page 19 of Historical Sketch of the Founding of Springfield, Massachusetts is found: "Most of those who came in 1636 were young unmarried men. Of the few who were already married and came with families, several were from Wales or of Welsh descent, including Thomas Menich, Alexander Edwards, and Roger Prichard."
In 1640, Sir Henry Smith was appointed governor of this new jurisdiction of Connecticut; Roger went with him to Wethersfield. The First Century of the History of Springfield, vol. 1, pp. 170–174, states that Roger Prichard was Collector Officer in 1642, that he was allotted five acres of land along the Agawam River on February 23, 1643, allotted another 23 acres on April 6, 1643, and again given an extra allotment in Large Meadow (now Longmeadow) on May 7, 1645. Roger's son, Nathaniel, also owned land in Large Meadow (also called Wet Meadow at the time). The record of the January 6, 1681, town meeting states that Nathaniel Prichard petitioned the Town Council "to give him as much of the pond in Long Meadow as lay against his land." The petition was granted.
There were several Prichard families in Massachusetts in these early years. Among them was (Sgt.) William Prichard who was born about 1602. It is likely that he was Roger's brother per the following evidence. Roger and his second wife, Elizabeth, died in 1671 and 1674, respectively. In 1674, their sons Joseph and Benjamin would have been 20 and 16 years of age. It appears that at both of them had moved to North Brookfield and were living with (their uncle) Sgt. William. On August 2, 1675, during King Philip's War, Sgt. William, his son Samuel, and Roger's son Joseph were all killed on the same day during an attack by
the Wimmeset Indians. The probate records of New Haven for Joseph indicate that Samuel Coley, Sr., and Samuel Coley, Jr., (Joseph's uncle and cousin on his mother's side) were appointed to administer his estate and act as guardians for Benjamin who was then 18. Joseph and Benjamin's mother, Elizabeth, had a sister, Ann, the husband of Samuel Coley, Sr., and mother of Samuel, Jr. A plausible reason that Benjamin suddenly needed a guardian was that Sgt. William Prichard had been his guardian (and uncle).
The name Prichard evolved from the Welsh patronymic name ap Richard or son of Richard. It was during the reign of Henry VIII (1509–1547) that the Welsh began converting (or being converted?) to the English-style surname. For example, in the Fifth Edition of Burke's Landed Gentry is the lineage of Prichard of Broseley; his name was spelled ap Richard in the Averley Parish records in 1654.
The parents of Roger Prichard or his wife, Frances, have not been determined. A search to this end by the Society of Genealogists in London found some interesting information about Prichard families but no definitive ancestors. However, for the purposes of speculation, the William Prichard Lineage, recorded in Landed Gentry, includes: "Richard ap Jenkins, Lord of
Llanover, married Anne the daughter of William ap John ap Roger." Their eldest son was named William but the names of their other sons were not given. It is not unreasonable that another son was named Roger. This is the only Prichard family found to have an ancestor named Roger.
The web page says he died in Milford.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He was the immigrant ancestor and was in Wethersfield, CT as early as 1640. He removed to Springfield, MA in 1643 and was living in Milford, CT by 18 Dec 1653. He was admitted a freeman in Apr 1648. He removed to New HAven where he died. (CT. Genealogies)
Roger Prichard, his wife Frances, and children Alice, Joan, and Nathaniel, arrived in Boston harbor in 1636. On page 19 of Historical Sketch of the Founding of Springfield, Massachusetts is found: "Most of those who came in 1636 were young unmarried men. Of the few who were already married and came with families, several were from Wales or of Welsh descent, including Thomas Menich, Alexander Edwards, and Roger Prichard."
In 1640, Sir Henry Smith was appointed governor of this new jurisdiction of Connecticut; Roger went with him to Wethersfield. The First Century of the History of Springfield, vol. 1, pp. 170–174, states that Roger Prichard was Collector Officer in 1642, that he was allotted five acres of land along the Agawam River on February 23, 1643, allotted another 23 acres on April 6, 1643, and again given an extra allotment in Large Meadow (now Longmeadow) on May 7, 1645. Roger's son, Nathaniel, also owned land in Large Meadow (also called Wet Meadow at the time). The record of the January 6, 1681, town meeting states that Nathaniel Prichard petitioned the Town Council "to give him as much of the pond in Long Meadow as lay against his land." The petition was granted.
There were several Prichard families in Massachusetts in these early years. Among them was (Sgt.) William Prichard who was born about 1602. It is likely that he was Roger's brother per the following evidence. Roger and his second wife, Elizabeth, died in 1671 and 1674, respectively. In 1674, their sons Joseph and Benjamin would have been 20 and 16 years of age. It appears that at both of them had moved to North Brookfield and were living with (their uncle) Sgt. William. On August 2, 1675, during King Philip's War, Sgt. William, his son Samuel, and Roger's son Joseph were all killed on the same day during an attack by
the Wimmeset Indians. The probate records of New Haven for Joseph indicate that Samuel Coley, Sr., and Samuel Coley, Jr., (Joseph's uncle and cousin on his mother's side) were appointed to administer his estate and act as guardians for Benjamin who was then 18. Joseph and Benjamin's mother, Elizabeth, had a sister, Ann, the husband of Samuel Coley, Sr., and mother of Samuel, Jr. A plausible reason that Benjamin suddenly needed a guardian was that Sgt. William Prichard had been his guardian (and uncle).
The name Prichard evolved from the Welsh patronymic name ap Richard or son of Richard. It was during the reign of Henry VIII (1509–1547) that the Welsh began converting (or being converted?) to the English-style surname. For example, in the Fifth Edition of Burke's Landed Gentry is the lineage of Prichard of Broseley; his name was spelled ap Richard in the Averley Parish records in 1654.
The parents of Roger Prichard or his wife, Frances, have not been determined. A search to this end by the Society of Genealogists in London found some interesting information about Prichard families but no definitive ancestors. However, for the purposes of speculation, the William Prichard Lineage, recorded in Landed Gentry, includes: "Richard ap Jenkins, Lord of
Llanover, married Anne the daughter of William ap John ap Roger." Their eldest son was named William but the names of their other sons were not given. It is not unreasonable that another son was named Roger. This is the only Prichard family found to have an ancestor named Roger.
The web page says he died in Milford. | Prichard, Roger (I5408)
|
| 5620 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
He was town clerk of Ipswich.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
He was town clerk of Ipswich. | Rogers, Esq. Samuel (I5118)
|
| 5621 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
His birth is not recorded, but his approximate age is determined by his deposition made 6 (2) 1669, which states he was about 25 years of age.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
His birth is not recorded, but his approximate age is determined by his deposition made 6 (2) 1669, which states he was about 25 years of age. | Brown, Jabez Sr. (I5103)
|
| 5622 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
His last child, Stephen, was born in 1642.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
His last child, Stephen, was born in 1642. | Bradley, William (I5406)
|
| 5623 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
His will read: Estate of Dea. Nicholas Noyes of Newbury
Essex Probate Docket # 19810
In the Name of God and by His Assistance I, Nicholas Noyes, of Newbery, in ye County of Essex in ye Province of
ye Massachusets Bay in New England do humbly Comitt my soul body and Spirit both in life and death unto ye
everlasting armes of God Alsufficient my Heavenly Father and unto Jesus Christ my alone Savior & Redeemer
thro ye power & presence of his eternall Spiritt my body to ye earth whence itt Originall was taken in hopes of a
happy and glorious Resurrection on ye Great day of ye man Christ Jesus to him be glory both now and Ever Amen.
And for my Worldly goods I do dispose as is hereafter expressed.
Impr. To ye children of my Son John Noyes (late of Newbery Dec'ed) I give that meadow & upland wch they now
posses in my neck of land (excepting only twenty acres of upland next to Henry Shorts Mills wch I do reserve to be
otherwise disposed of for fifety pounds wch he oweth me) always reserving liberty for my heirs for ever to pass &
repass thro any of ye aforesd lands at Sumer or Winter on ye place or places where we ware wont to pass & repass
and further wth upland & meadow is contained in this my gift more than was Inventorized in my said Son John his
inventory I do give to my grandson Nicholas Noyes the son of my said son John Noyes over and above his portion I
do also reserve to my Self all those points of upland wch run into ye said meadow and are now on my side of ye
deviding fence betwene my self and my said sons childrens land.
Item, To my son Mr. Nicholas Noyes of Salem I give five shillings in money besides what I have formerly done for
him wch is in full of his portion to be paid by my executor.
Item To my son Cutting Noyes I give five shillings in money besides wt I have done formerly for him to be paid by
my executors in full of his Portion.
Item. To my son Timothy Noyes I give all that houseing and land that he now posseseth also one acre of plowland
out of ye land that I myself now posses to be laid out by ye side of ye said Plow land that he now posseseth also
about Two acres of Plow land and Swamp be itt more or less wch layeth betwene ye land that Moses Little late of
Newbery did posses and ye land of Joseph Knight & my owne land and ye land of Lt. Tristram Coffin, also all that
my long point of meadow or salt marsh in my neck of land as itt is bounded by ye Mill River on three sides, and ye
other side by a line running streight from Henry Shorts Mill dam to ye turne of ye River yt makes ye said point of
marsh, also ye one halfe of that marsh wch I formerly bought of Henry Jaques lying in ye great marshes in
Newbery also ye one halfe of that twenty acres of upland on my Neck before reserved in this my Will. Also one
Quarter part of all my devisions of land already laid out in ye upper Woods in Newbery to me; as also one Quarter
parts of all my rights in ye undevided lands of Newbery all wch to enjoy to him and his heirs forever. Also I give
unto him all my weareing apparrell I also confirm to him all yt piece of Meadow wch he bought of Peter Cheny
lyeing on ye South Side of ye Mill River in Newbery.
Item To ye children of my son Thomas Noyes dec'ed I give ten pounds to be paid by my executor in good Currant
pay as itt passeth from man to man (not as money) to be paid to ye children when they come of age or sooner as my
executor shall see cause.
Item. To my daughter Mary ye wife of John French of Salisbury besides what I have formerly given her I give her
fiveteen pounds in good currant pay as itt passeth from man to man (not as money) to be paid by my executor wth
in four years after my death wch is for full of her portion.
Item. To my daughter Hannah ye wife of John Atkinson Sen'r. of Newbery I give five shillings money besides what
I have formerly to her to be paid by my Executor wch is in full of her portion.
Item. To my daughter Sarah ye wife of Matthew Pettengall of Newbery besides what I have formerly given her I do
now give her fifeteen pounds in good marchentable pay not as money price but as it passeth from man to man to be
paid by my executor wth in four years after my death wch is in full of her portion.
Item To my daughter Rachel the wife of James Jackman of Newbery I give fifeteen pounds besides what I formerly
gave her to be paid by my Executor wth in four years after my death in good marchentable pay not in or as money
but as it passeth from man to man wch is in full of her portion.
Item. To my daughter Abigall Noyes I give all ye linen that I shall have in the house at my decease as Table
Linnen & Sheets as also ye best bed wth all ye furniture, also ye parlour dureing her naturall life as also seller
room for her convenciency (the house room here mentioned she shall not have itt if she marry also I give her fifety
Shillings per Annum dureing her naturall life to be paid to her by my Executor ten shillings of itt in money or in flax
or Wool at money price annually and the ye other forty shillings in provision pay at money prices annually my
Executor to keep ye said Parlour in good repair at his owne charge. Also I give to her ye fruits of ten Apple trees
yearly if she do not marry to be at her owne choyce out of my old orchard. I also give my said daughter one of my
brass kettles at her owne choyce & one iron pott & three platters and my tankard all wch is in full of her portion.
Item. I do hereby make my son James Noyes my true and lawful heir and do accordingly give and bequeath unto
him and to his heirs & assignes forever all my houseing & lands wth all my goods & chattles (not perticularly
mentioned in this my last Will and Textamt & otherwise disposed of) together wth all debts due to me by Bill Bond
Book or otherwise, as also whatever may be mine and may appear due to me in time to come requireing him to pay
all my honest debts & in speciall four pounds in money to his brother Mr. Nicholas Noyes of Salem on the accott.
of Maj. Thomas Noyes of Newbery Esqr. as also Twenty shillings to ye First Church in Newbery, my funerall
charges to be by him discharged.
Lastly. I do appoint my son James Noyes to be ye executor of this my last Will Will and Testament hereby
revoaking all former wills of mine. Whereas I have in this my last Will confered certaine lands on ye children of my
son John Noyes itt is to be understood that Mary ye Widow of my said son John shall enjoy her thirds of said
houseing & lands dureing her naturall life. In Witness whereof I, ye said Nicholas Noyes have hereto as my last
Will & Testament sett to my hand & Seal this fourth day of July Anno Dom one thousand & seaven hundred.
Nicholas Noyes & a Seal.
Signed, sealed & Declared by Mr. Nicholas Noyes to be his last Will & Testamt in presence of us.
Henry Short Junr.
Jonathan Emory.
Joseph Knight
John Short
Henry Short
Will proved Dec. 29, 1701
Source: Essex Probate, 307:233 and 307:236 at Salem
This will was published in "Genealogical Record of Some of The Noyes Descendants of James, Nicholas and Peter
Noyes. Vol. I, Descendants of Nicholas Noyes" by Col. Henry E. Noyes, U.S.A. and Miss Harriette E. Noyes;
Boston, Massachusetts, 1904; page 46.
Submitted by: Paul M. Noyes
[maryabbywhite.FTW]
His will read: Estate of Dea. Nicholas Noyes of Newbury
Essex Probate Docket # 19810
In the Name of God and by His Assistance I, Nicholas Noyes, of Newbery, in ye County of Essex in ye Province of
ye Massachusets Bay in New England do humbly Comitt my soul body and Spirit both in life and death unto ye
everlasting armes of God Alsufficient my Heavenly Father and unto Jesus Christ my alone Savior & Redeemer
thro ye power & presence of his eternall Spiritt my body to ye earth whence itt Originall was taken in hopes of a
happy and glorious Resurrection on ye Great day of ye man Christ Jesus to him be glory both now and Ever Amen.
And for my Worldly goods I do dispose as is hereafter expressed.
Impr. To ye children of my Son John Noyes (late of Newbery Dec'ed) I give that meadow & upland wch they now
posses in my neck of land (excepting only twenty acres of upland next to Henry Shorts Mills wch I do reserve to be
otherwise disposed of for fifety pounds wch he oweth me) always reserving liberty for my heirs for ever to pass &
repass thro any of ye aforesd lands at Sumer or Winter on ye place or places where we ware wont to pass & repass
and further wth upland & meadow is contained in this my gift more than was Inventorized in my said Son John his
inventory I do give to my grandson Nicholas Noyes the son of my said son John Noyes over and above his portion I
do also reserve to my Self all those points of upland wch run into ye said meadow and are now on my side of ye
deviding fence betwene my self and my said sons childrens land.
Item, To my son Mr. Nicholas Noyes of Salem I give five shillings in money besides what I have formerly done for
him wch is in full of his portion to be paid by my executor.
Item To my son Cutting Noyes I give five shillings in money besides wt I have done formerly for him to be paid by
my executors in full of his Portion.
Item. To my son Timothy Noyes I give all that houseing and land that he now posseseth also one acre of plowland
out of ye land that I myself now posses to be laid out by ye side of ye said Plow land that he now posseseth also
about Two acres of Plow land and Swamp be itt more or less wch layeth betwene ye land that Moses Little late of
Newbery did posses and ye land of Joseph Knight & my owne land and ye land of Lt. Tristram Coffin, also all that
my long point of meadow or salt marsh in my neck of land as itt is bounded by ye Mill River on three sides, and ye
other side by a line running streight from Henry Shorts Mill dam to ye turne of ye River yt makes ye said point of
marsh, also ye one halfe of that marsh wch I formerly bought of Henry Jaques lying in ye great marshes in
Newbery also ye one halfe of that twenty acres of upland on my Neck before reserved in this my Will. Also one
Quarter part of all my devisions of land already laid out in ye upper Woods in Newbery to me; as also one Quarter
parts of all my rights in ye undevided lands of Newbery all wch to enjoy to him and his heirs forever. Also I give
unto him all my weareing apparrell I also confirm to him all yt piece of Meadow wch he bought of Peter Cheny
lyeing on ye South Side of ye Mill River in Newbery.
Item To ye children of my son Thomas Noyes dec'ed I give ten pounds to be paid by my executor in good Currant
pay as itt passeth from man to man (not as money) to be paid to ye children when they come of age or sooner as my
executor shall see cause.
Item. To my daughter Mary ye wife of John French of Salisbury besides what I have formerly given her I give her
fiveteen pounds in good currant pay as itt passeth from man to man (not as money) to be paid by my executor wth
in four years after my death wch is for full of her portion.
Item. To my daughter Hannah ye wife of John Atkinson Sen'r. of Newbery I give five shillings money besides what
I have formerly to her to be paid by my Executor wch is in full of her portion.
Item. To my daughter Sarah ye wife of Matthew Pettengall of Newbery besides what I have formerly given her I do
now give her fifeteen pounds in good marchentable pay not as money price but as it passeth from man to man to be
paid by my executor wth in four years after my death wch is in full of her portion.
Item To my daughter Rachel the wife of James Jackman of Newbery I give fifeteen pounds besides what I formerly
gave her to be paid by my Executor wth in four years after my death in good marchentable pay not in or as money
but as it passeth from man to man wch is in full of her portion.
Item. To my daughter Abigall Noyes I give all ye linen that I shall have in the house at my decease as Table
Linnen & Sheets as also ye best bed wth all ye furniture, also ye parlour dureing her naturall life as also seller
room for her convenciency (the house room here mentioned she shall not have itt if she marry also I give her fifety
Shillings per Annum dureing her naturall life to be paid to her by my Executor ten shillings of itt in money or in flax
or Wool at money price annually and the ye other forty shillings in provision pay at money prices annually my
Executor to keep ye said Parlour in good repair at his owne charge. Also I give to her ye fruits of ten Apple trees
yearly if she do not marry to be at her owne choyce out of my old orchard. I also give my said daughter one of my
brass kettles at her owne choyce & one iron pott & three platters and my tankard all wch is in full of her portion.
Item. I do hereby make my son James Noyes my true and lawful heir and do accordingly give and bequeath unto
him and to his heirs & assignes forever all my houseing & lands wth all my goods & chattles (not perticularly
mentioned in this my last Will and Textamt & otherwise disposed of) together wth all debts due to me by Bill Bond
Book or otherwise, as also whatever may be mine and may appear due to me in time to come requireing him to pay
all my honest debts & in speciall four pounds in money to his brother Mr. Nicholas Noyes of Salem on the accott.
of Maj. Thomas Noyes of Newbery Esqr. as also Twenty shillings to ye First Church in Newbery, my funerall
charges to be by him discharged.
Lastly. I do appoint my son James Noyes to be ye executor of this my last Will Will and Testament hereby
revoaking all former wills of mine. Whereas I have in this my last Will confered certaine lands on ye children of my
son John Noyes itt is to be understood that Mary ye Widow of my said son John shall enjoy her thirds of said
houseing & lands dureing her naturall life. In Witness whereof I, ye said Nicholas Noyes have hereto as my last
Will & Testament sett to my hand & Seal this fourth day of July Anno Dom one thousand & seaven hundred.
Nicholas Noyes & a Seal.
Signed, sealed & Declared by Mr. Nicholas Noyes to be his last Will & Testamt in presence of us.
Henry Short Junr.
Jonathan Emory.
Joseph Knight
John Short
Henry Short
Will proved Dec. 29, 1701
Source: Essex Probate, 307:233 and 307:236 at Salem
This will was published in "Genealogical Record of Some of The Noyes Descendants of James, Nicholas and Peter
Noyes. Vol. I, Descendants of Nicholas Noyes" by Col. Henry E. Noyes, U.S.A. and Miss Harriette E. Noyes;
Boston, Massachusetts, 1904; page 46.
Submitted by: Paul M. Noyes | Noyes, Nicholas (I4904)
|
| 5624 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
His will was proved 16 Nov 1739.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
His will was proved 16 Nov 1739. | Peck, Samuel (I5329)
|
| 5625 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
Mark and his family moved to Concord, MA on 25 Aug 1719, and they stayed with Elizabeth's aunt Mercy MOUSALL Buttrick. A Buttrick house is now the Headquarters for the Lexington-Concord National Battlefield Historical Site near the North Bridge where the first battles of the Revolutionary War was fought. Other Buttrick houses are and were in the same general area. They were "warned out" of Concord while at her house, which means that the town was worried about them later becoming a burden so they must have been very poor. "Warning out" was common practice in the 1700's when a town did not want to become resposible for anyone later on. Mark and Elizabeth had the rest of their children in Concord, so they obviously stayed. In 1726 Elizabeth and Mark signed over her rights to her Father's Estate in Charlestown to her brother, John, for L40, and that may have helped them gain financial security. He was at Concord until the Spring of 1732, when he went to Westford. There is no indication that he owned any land in his own right until 14 Feb 1733 when Mark White of Westford, husbandman, bought 30 1/2 acres in the nothern part of Concord. That part became Acton in 1735. He is also mentioned in the Acton Town Meeting Minutes as owning land and as having held the office of Constable, in 1736. He was also on some town committees and held the office of highway surveyor, tytheman, and perhaps others at various times. Usually only landowners held office. It appears from some records that he and some other landholders formed a land bank in 1740 and Mark invested 100 Pounds. Shortly after, he claimed the title of Gentleman. He apparently became an Ensign about 1745. In those days an Ensign was just under a Lt. in the Militia. Deeds show that he bought a total of 88 acres in Acton and sold 41 acres while living in Acton.
Mark was originally said to have been the son of Perigrine, Jr. & Susanna White and have been born in Middleborough, MA. No records have been found proving this and he was probably an immigrant from England to Charlestown, MA in the early 1700s, rather than being the grandson of Perigrine White who was the first child born on the Mayflower after it reached Plymouth, MA. No records of Mark White's parents have been located so far in MA or England. The records for Middleborough, MA for 1689 burned, but there are no later records like wills or land records that link Mark to Peregrine White, Jr. More research needs to be done in English records to find Mark's parents.
No deeds show a settlement of his or his widow's estate. It appears that he helped his son Mark, Jr., buy land as early as 1737, deeded his home place to son Thomas in 1747, and bought other land from Mark, Jr. on which to settle. Mark, Jr. was also a cooper and an innkeeper in Acton before moving to Westford. On 24 Feb 1758, Mark White of Acton, gentleman, with dower release from wife Elizabeth (the 1/3 of the estate that she owned as her dower rights), sold to son, Samuel, of Acton, cooper, 33 acres in Acton with dwelling house, barn, and cooper's shop, plus 22 acres near the Acton meeting house, "and the whole of my personal estate." Although not stated, the intent of this last deed was to assure that son Samuel would care for his parents as long as they lived, after which the place would be his. Samuel lived up to this bargain, remaining unmarried until the month after his mother's death, by which time he was almost 40 years old. These property arrangements were quite common at the time, and account for the lack of probate records for Mark and his widow Elizabeth. (From an article about Mark White in the National Genealogical Society Quarterly written in 1973).[maryabbywhite.FTW]
Mark and his family moved to Concord, MA on 25 Aug 1719, and they stayed with Elizabeth's aunt Mercy MOUSALL Buttrick. A Buttrick house is now the Headquarters for the Lexington-Concord National Battlefield Historical Site near the North Bridge where the first battles of the Revolutionary War was fought. Other Buttrick houses are and were in the same general area. They were "warned out" of Concord while at her house, which means that the town was worried about them later becoming a burden so they must have been very poor. "Warning out" was common practice in the 1700's when a town did not want to become resposible for anyone later on. Mark and Elizabeth had the rest of their children in Concord, so they obviously stayed. In 1726 Elizabeth and Mark signed over her rights to her Father's Estate in Charlestown to her brother, John, for L40, and that may have helped them gain financial security. He was at Concord until the Spring of 1732, when he went to Westford. There is no indication that he owned any land in his own right until 14 Feb 1733 when Mark White of Westford, husbandman, bought 30 1/2 acres in the nothern part of Concord. That part became Acton in 1735. He is also mentioned in the Acton Town Meeting Minutes as owning land and as having held the office of Constable, in 1736. He was also on some town committees and held the office of highway surveyor, tytheman, and perhaps others at various times. Usually only landowners held office. It appears from some records that he and some other landholders formed a land bank in 1740 and Mark invested 100 Pounds. Shortly after, he claimed the title of Gentleman. He apparently became an Ensign about 1745. In those days an Ensign was just under a Lt. in the Militia. Deeds show that he bought a total of 88 acres in Acton and sold 41 acres while living in Acton.
Mark was originally said to have been the son of Perigrine, Jr. & Susanna White and have been born in Middleborough, MA. No records have been found proving this and he was probably an immigrant from England to Charlestown, MA in the early 1700s, rather than being the grandson of Perigrine White who was the first child born on the Mayflower after it reached Plymouth, MA. No records of Mark White's parents have been located so far in MA or England. The records for Middleborough, MA for 1689 burned, but there are no later records like wills or land records that link Mark to Peregrine White, Jr. More research needs to be done in English records to find Mark's parents.
No deeds show a settlement of his or his widow's estate. It appears that he helped his son Mark, Jr., buy land as early as 1737, deeded his home place to son Thomas in 1747, and bought other land from Mark, Jr. on which to settle. Mark, Jr. was also a cooper and an innkeeper in Acton before moving to Westford. On 24 Feb 1758, Mark White of Acton, gentleman, with dower release from wife Elizabeth (the 1/3 of the estate that she owned as her dower rights), sold to son, Samuel, of Acton, cooper, 33 acres in Acton with dwelling house, barn, and cooper's shop, plus 22 acres near the Acton meeting house, "and the whole of my personal estate." Although not stated, the intent of this last deed was to assure that son Samuel would care for his parents as long as they lived, after which the place would be his. Samuel lived up to this bargain, remaining unmarried until the month after his mother's death, by which time he was almost 40 years old. These property arrangements were quite common at the time, and account for the lack of probate records for Mark and his widow Elizabeth. (From an article about Mark White in the National Genealogical Society Quarterly written in 1973). | White, Mark (I5159)
|
| 5626 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
Not proven.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
Not proven. | Patch, William (I5306)
|
| 5627 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
Probably came to Watertown, MA in 1630 with his parents.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
Probably came to Watertown, MA in 1630 with his parents. | Knopp, James (I5321)
|
| 5628 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
Savage says he died 1678; will dated 19 Jan 1676; inventory taken 3 Sep 1678.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
Savage says he died 1678; will dated 19 Jan 1676; inventory taken 3 Sep 1678. | Nash, Joseph (I5027)
|
| 5629 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
Shatwell was sometimes known as Sachell or Satchell, according to some records.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
Shatwell was sometimes known as Sachell or Satchell, according to some records. | Shatwell, Mary (I5047)
|
| 5630 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
She and Daniel lived in Sudbury, MA which is near Concord. There is record of five children having been born there: four boys and 1 girl. There is no record of either Daniel or Elizabeth's deaths in the Sudbury VR. They may have moved after 1761 when their fifth child was recorded there, or their deaths weren't recorded, whcih often happened.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
She and Daniel lived in Sudbury, MA which is near Concord. There is record of five children having been born there: four boys and 1 girl. There is no record of either Daniel or Elizabeth's deaths in the Sudbury VR. They may have moved after 1761 when their fifth child was recorded there, or their deaths weren't recorded, whcih often happened. | White, Elizabeth (I5083)
|
| 5631 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
She is sometimes known as Mary CAPER.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
She is sometimes known as Mary CAPER. | Cooper, Mary (I5452)
|
| 5632 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
She may have died young as there is nfi about her in any of the genealogies found.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
She may have died young as there is nfi about her in any of the genealogies found. | Moors, Mary (I5222)
|
| 5633 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
She was an early member of the Boston church. Apparently, she suffered from post partum depression, as she tried to drown her first two children, while they were infants. She threw her first down a well, but neighbors rescued her, and someone must have intervened when she tried to drown her second child also. She was put out of the church for awhile after these incidents, but must have recovered, or at least not had the same problem with her four other children.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
She was an early member of the Boston church. Apparently, she suffered from post partum depression, as she tried to drown her first two children, while they were infants. She threw her first down a well, but neighbors rescued her, and someone must have intervened when she tried to drown her second child also. She was put out of the church for awhile after these incidents, but must have recovered, or at least not had the same problem with her four other children. | Needham, Ann (I5282)
|
| 5634 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
She was given the administratio;n of her step-daughter, Margaret's estate on that date.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
She was given the administratio;n of her step-daughter, Margaret's estate on that date. | Webster, Jane (I4891)
|
| 5635 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
She was probably born in ENG as NEw HAven wasn't settled by 1622.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
She was probably born in England as NEw HAven wasn't settled by 1622. | Dickerman, Hannah (I5397)
|
| 5636 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
The victim of the witchcraft was one Elizabeth Knapp, who had the long train of symptoms which were then usually ascribed to the personal influence of the Evil One, but which nowadays would constitute a well-marked case of hysteria. She was the daughter of James and Elizabeth (Warren) Knapp, and born at Watertown, on April 21, 1655. Her father's house-lot was situated on the west side of Main Street, at the southerly end of the village; and the family were living, doubtless, on that site when the daughter was seized with the symptoms. Green's Notes: During the witchcraft excitement at Salem, in the year 1692, no man of that day did more to expose the witch hysteria. [Page 5] IN the early days of our history a belief in witchcraft, so far from being peculiar to Massachusetts, was held throughout Christendom. By no means confined to the ignorant or superstitious classes, it was entertained by educated and thoughtful men everywhere. It was a delusion for which the age was responsible, rather than any particular land or country. To us of to-day, with our light and experience, this state of affairs seems incredible; but perhaps a time may come when even some of our actions will need apologies and explanations.
In the autumn of 1671 a case of so-called witchcraft occurred at Groton, and the Rev. Samuel Willard, at that time the minister of the town, gave much attention and study to it. He wrote a long letter to Cotton Mather, giving the minutest details of the case, and Dr. Mather refers to it in his “Magnalia Christi Americana" (book vi. chapter vii. page 67). Two years later Mr. Willard published a volume of sermons entitled “Useful Instructions for a professing People in Times of great Security and Degeneracy: delivered in several Sermons on Solemn Occasions." It consists [Page 6] of three sermons, of which one was preached in consequence of this supposed manifestation of the Devil. The fame or notoriety of the case evidently had spread far and wide throughout the colony. Mr. Willard says: There is a voice in it to the whole Land, but in a more especial manner to poor Groton: it is not a Judgement afar off, but it is near us, yea among us, God hath in his wisdome singled out this poor Town out of all others in this Wilderness, to dispense such an amazing Providence in, and therefore let us make a more near and special use of it: Let us look upon our selves to be set up as a Beacon upon a Hill by this Providence, and let those that hear what hath been done among us, hear also of the good effects, and reformation it hath wrought among us.
The original letter of Mr. Willard, describing the case, is still preserved, and is found numbered 3 in the second volume of the "Mather Papers" now at the Boston Public Library. It is written in a very small, cramped hand, and contained in four pages of manuscript, which is extremely difficult to read. It has been printed in the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, volume viii., fourth series, pages 555-570; but the present copy is made independently of that one, and varies slightly from it. The letter is as follows: -
Page 7] A briefe account of a strange & unusuall Providence of God befallen to Elizabeth Knap of Groton, by me Samuel Willard. THIS poore & miserable object, about a fortnight before shee was taken, wee observed to carry herselfe in a strange & unwonted manner, sometimes shee would give sudden shriekes, & if wee enquired a Reason, would alwayes put it off with some excuse, & then would burst forth into immoderate & extravagant laughter, in such wise, as some times shee fell onto the ground with it: I my selfe observed oftentimes a strange change in here countenance, but could not suspect the true reason, but coneived shee might bee ill, & therefore divers times enquired how shee did, & shee alwayes answered well; which made mee wonder: but the tragedye began to unfold itselfe upon Munday, Octob. 30. 71, after this manner (as I received by credible information, being that day my selfe gon from home).
In the evening, a little before shee went to bed, sitting by the fire, shee cryed out, oh my legs! & clapt her hand on them, immediately oh my breast! & removed her hands thither; & forthwith, oh I am strangled, & put her hands on her throat: those that observed her could not see what to make of it; whither shee was in earnest or dissembled, & in this manner they left her (excepting the person that lay with her) complaining of her breath being stopt: The next day shee was in a strange frame, (as was observed by divers) sometimes weeping, sometimes laughing, & many foolish & apish gestures. In the evening, going into the cellar, shee shrieked suddenly, & being enquired of the cause, shee answered, that shee saw 2 persons in the cellar; whereupon some went downe with her to search, but found none; shee also looking with them; at last shee turned her head, & looking one way stedfastly, used the expression, what cheere old man? which, they that were with her tooke for a fansye, &
soe ceased; afterwards (the same evening,) the rest of the family being in bed, shee was (as one lying in the roome saw, & shee herselfe also afterwards related) suddenly throwne downe into the midst of the floore with violence, & taken with a violent fit, whereupon the whole family was raised, & with much adoe was shee kept out of the fire from destroying herselfe after which time she was followed with fits from thence till the sabbath day; in which shee was violent in bodily motions, leapings, strainings & strange agitations, scarce to bee held in bounds by the strength of 3 or 4: violent alsoe in roarings & screamings, [Page 8]
representing a dark resemblance of hellish torments, & frequently using in these fits divers words, sometimes crying out money, money, sometimes, sin & misery with other words.
On wednesday, being in the time of intermission questioned about the case shee was in, with reference to the cause or occasion of it, shee seemed to impeach one of the neighbors, a person (I doubt not) of sincere uprightnesse before God, as though either shee, or the devill in her likenesse & habit, particularly her riding hood, had come downe the chimney, stricken her that night shee was first taken violently, which was the occasion of her being cast into the floore; whereupon those about her sent to request the person to come to her, who coming unwittingly, was at the first assaulted by her stranglye, for though her eyes were
(as it were) sealed up (as they were alwayes, or for the most part, in those fits, & soe continue in them all to this day) shee yet knew her very touch from any other, though no voice were uttered, & discovered it evidently by her gestures, soe powerfull were Satans suggestions in her, yet afterward God was pleased to vindicate the case & justifye the innocent, even to remove jealousyes from the spirits of the party concerned, & satisfaction of the by standers; for after shee had gon to prayer with her, shee confessed that she beleeved Satan had deluded her, & hath never since complained of any such apparition or disturbance
from the person. These fits continuing, (though with intermission) divers, (when they had opportunity) pressed upon her to declare what might bee the true & real occasion of these amazing fits. Shee used many tergiversations & excuses, pretending shee would to this & that young person, who coming, she put it off to another, till at the last, on thurdsday night, shee brake forth into a large confession in the presence of many, the substance whereof amounted to thus much:
That the devill had oftentimes appeared to her, presenting the treaty of a Covenant, & preffering largely to her: viz, such things as suted her youthfull fancye, money, silkes, fine cloaths, ease from labor to show her the whole world, &c: that it had bin then 3 yeers since his first appearance, occasioned by her discontent: That at first his apparitions had bin more rare, but lately more frequent; yea those few weekes that shee had dwelt with us almost constant, that shee seldome went out of one roome into another, but hee appeared to her urging of her: & that hee had presented her a booke written with blood of covenants made by others with him, & told her such & such (of some wherof we hope better things) had a name there; [Page 9] that hee urged upon her constant temptations to murder her parents, her neighbors, our children, especially the youngest, tempting her to throw it into the fire, on the hearth, into the oven; & that once hee put a bill hooke into her hand, to murder my selfe, persuading her I was asleep, but coming about it, shee met me on the staires at which shee was affrighted,the time I remember well, & observd a strange frame in her countenance & saw she endeavered to hide something, but I knew not what, neither did I at all suspect
any such matter; & that often he persuaded her to make away with herselfe & once she was going to drowne herselfe in the well, for, looking into it, shee saw such sights as allured her, & was gotten within the curbe, & was by God's providence prevented, many other like things shee related, too tedious to recollect: but being pressed to declare whither she had not
consented to a covenant with the Devill, shee with solemne assertions denyed it, yea asserted that shee had never soe much as consented to discorse with him, nor had ever but once before that night used the expession, What cheere, old man? & this argument shee used, that the providence of God had ordered it soe, that all his apparitions had bin frightfull to her; yet this shee acknowledged, (which seemed contradictorye, viz :) that when shee came to our house to schoole, before such time as shee dwelt with us, shee delayed her going home in the evening, till it was darke, (which wee observed) upon his persuasion to have his company home, & that shee could not, when hee appeared, but goe to him; one evident testimony wherof wee can say somthing to, viz. the night before the Thanksgiving, Octob. 19. shee was with another maid that boarded in the house, where both of them saw the appearance of a mans head & shoulders, with a great white neckcloath, looking in at the window, at which they came up affrighted both into the chamber, where the rest of us were, they declaring the case, one of us went downe to see who it might bee, but shee ran immediately out of the doore before him, which shee hath since confessed, was the Devill
coming to her; shee also acknowledged the reason of her former sudden shriekings, was from a sudden apparition, & that the devill put these excuses into her mouth, & bit her soe to say, & hurried her into those violent (but shee saith feigned & forced) laughters: shee then also complained against herselfe of many sins, disobedience to parents, neglect of attendance upon ordinances, attempts to murder herselfe & others; but this particular of a covenant shee utterly disclaimed: which relationseemed faire, [Page 10] especially in that it was attended with bitter teares, selfe condemnations, good counsells given to all about her, especially the youth then present, & an earnest desire of prayers: shee sent to Lancaster for Mr. Rowlandson, who came & prayed with her, & gave her serious counsells; but shee was still followed, all this notwithstanding, with these fits: & in this state (coming home on fryday) I found her; but could get nothing from her, whenever I came in presence shee fell into those
fits, concerning which fits, I find this noteworthy, shee knew & understood what was spoken to her, but could not answer, nor use any other words but the forementioned, money, &c: as long as the fit continued, for when shee came out of it, shee could give a relation of all that had been spoken to her: shee was demanded a reason why shee used those words in her fits, & signifyed that the Devill presented her with such things, to tempt her, & with sin & miserye, to terrifye her; shee also declared that shee had seene the Devills in their hellish shapes, & more Devills then any one there ever saw men in the world. Many of these things I heard her declare on Saturday at night: On the Sabbath the Physitian came, who judged a maine point of her distempr to be naturall, arising from the foulnesse of her stomacke, & corruptnesse of her blood, occasioning fumes in her braine, & strange fansyes; whereupon (in order to further tryall & administration) shee was removed home, & the succeeding weeke shee tooke physicke, & was not in such violence handled in her fits as before; but enjoyed an intermission, & gave some hopes of recovery; in which intermission shee was altogether sencelesse (as to our discoverye) of her state, held under securitye, & hardnesse of heart, professing shee had no trouble upon her spirits, shee cried satan had left her: A solemne day was kept with her, yet it had then, (as I apprehend,) little efficacy upon her; shee that day again expressed hopes that the Devill had left her, but there was little ground to thinke soe,
because she remained under such extreame sencelessenesse of her owne estate: & thus shee continued, being exercised with some moderate fits, in which shee used none of the former expressions, but sometimes fainted away, sometimes used some struglings, yet not with extremitye, till the Wednesday following, which day was spent in prayer with her, when her fits something more encreased, & her tongue was for many houres together drawne into a semicircle up to the roofe of her mouth, & not to be remooved, for some tryed with the fingers to doe it: from thence till the sabbath seven [Page 11] night following: she continued alike, only shee added to former confessions, of her twise consenting to travell with the Devill in her company between Groton & Lancaster, who accompanied her in forme of a blacke dog with eyes in his backe, sometimes stopping her horse, sometimes leaping up behind, & keeping her (when she came home with company) 40 rod at least behind, leading her
out of the way into a swampe, &c.: but still no conference would shee owne, but urged that the devills quarell with her was because shee would not seale a covenant with him, & that this was the ground of her first being taken. besides this nothing observable came from her, only one morning shee said God is a father, the next morning, God is my father, which words (it is to be feared) were words of presumption, put into her mouth by the adversary.
I suspecting the truth of her former storye, pressed, whether shee never verbally promised to covenant with him, which shee stoutly denyed: only acknowledged that shee had had some thoughts soe to doe: but on the forenamed Nov. 26. shee was again with violence & extremity seized by her fits, in such wise that 6 persons could hardly hold her, but shee leaped & skipped about the house proforce roaring, & yelling extreamly, & fetching deadly sighs, as if her heartstrings would have broken, & looking wth a frightfull aspect, to the amazement & astonishment of all the beholders, of which I was an eye witnesse: The
Physitian being then agen with her consented that the distemper was Diabolicall, refused further to administer, advised to extraordinary fasting; whereupon some of Gods ministers were sent for: shee meane while continued extreamly tormented night & day, till Tuesday about noon; having this added on Munday & Tuesday morning that shee barked like a dog, & bleated like a calfe, in which her organs were visibly made use of: yea, (as was carefully observed) on Munday night, & Tuesday morning, when ever any came neere the house, though they within heard nothing at all, yet would shee barke till they were come into the
house, on Tuesday, about 12 of the clocke, she came out of the fit, which had held her from Sabbath day about the same time, at least 48 howers, with little or no intermission, & then her speech was restored to her, & shee expressed a great seeming sence of her state: many bitter teares, sighings, sobbings, complainings shee uttered, bewailing of many sins fore mentioned, begging prayers, & in the houre of prayer expressing much affection : I then pressed if there were anything behind in reference to the dealings between her & Satan, [Page 12] when she agen professed that shee had related all: & declared that in those fits
the devill had assaulted her many wayes, that hee came downe the chimney, & shee essayed to escape him, but was siezed upon by him, that hee sat upon her breast, & used many arguments with her, & that hee urged here at one time with persuasions & promises, of ease, & great matters, told her that shee had done enough in what shee had already confessed, shee might henceforth serve him more securely; anon told hir her time was past, & there was no hopes unlesse shee would serve him; & it was observed in the time of her extremity, once when a little moments respite was granted her of speech, shee advised us to make our peace with God, & use our time better then shee had done, the party advised her also to bethinke herselfe of making her peace, shee replyed, it is too late for me : the next day was solemnized, when we had the presence of Mr. Bulkley, Mr. Rowlandson, & Mr. Estabrooke, whither coming, we found her returned to a sottish & stupid kind of frame, much was prest upon her, but no affection at all discovered; though shee was little or nothing exercised with any fits, & her speech also continued: though a day or two after shee was melancholye & being enquired of a reason, shee complained that shee was grieved that so much pains were taken wth her, & did her no good, but this held her not long: & thus shee remained till Munday, when to some neighbors there present, shee related something more of he converse with the devill, viz. That it had bin 5 yeers or therabouts, since shee first saw him, & declared methodically the sundry apparitions from time to time, till shee was thus dreadfully assaulted, in which, the principall was, that after many assaults, shee had resolved to seale a covenant with Satan, thinking shee had better doe it, then be thus followed by him, that once, when shee lived at Lancaster, he presented himselfe, & desired of her blood, & shee would have done it, but wanted a knife, in the parley shee was prevented by the
providence of God interposing my father; a 2nd time in the house hee met her, & presented her a knife, & as she was going about it my father stept in agen & prevented, that when shee sought & enquired for the knife, it was not to bee found, & that afterward shee saw it sticking in the top of the barne, & some other like passages shee agen owned an observable passage which shee also had confessed in her first declaration, but is not there inserted, viz. that the devill had often proffered her his service, but shee accepted not; & once in ptic: to bring her in chips for the fire, [Page 13] shee refused, but when shee came in shee saw them lye by the fire side, & was affraid, & this I remarke, I sitting by the fire spake to her to lay them on, & she turned away in an unwonted manner: she then also declared against herselfe her unprofitable life she had led, & how justly God had thus permitted Satan to handle her, telling them, they little knew what a sad case shee was in. I after asked her concerning these passages, & shee owned the truth of them, & declared that now shee hoped the devill had left her, but being prest whether there were not a covenant, she earnestly professed, that by Gods goodnesse shee had bin prevented from doing that, which shee of herselfe had been ready enough to assent to; & shee thanked God there was no such thing:
The same day shee was agen taken with a new kind of unwonted fitt in which after shee had bin awhile exercised with violence, shee got her a sticke, & went up and downe, thrusting, & pushing, here & there, & anon looking out at a window, & cryed out of a witch appearing in a strange manner in forme of a dog downward, with a womans head, & declared the person, other whiles that shee appeard in her whole likenesse, & described her shape and habit: signifyed that shee went up the chimney & went her way: what impression wee reade in the clay of the chimney, in similitude of a dogs paw, by the operation of Satan, &
in the form of a dogs going in the same place she tould of, I shall not conclude, though something there was, as I myselfe saw in the chimney in the same place where shee declared the foot was set to goe up:
In this manner was she handled that night, & the 2 next dayes, using strange gestures, complaining by signes, when shee could not speake explaining that shee was sometimes in the chamber, somet. in the chimney, & anon assaults her, sometimes scratching her breast, beating her sides, strangling her throat, & she did oftentimes seeme to our apprehension as if shee would forthwith bee strangled: She declared that if the party were apprehended shee should forthwith bee well, but never till then; whereupon her father went, & percured the coming of the woman impeached by her, who came downe to her on Thurdsday night, where (being desired to be present) I observed that she was violently handled, & lamentably tormented by the adversarye, & uttered unusual shriekes at the instant of the persons coming in, though her eyes were fast closed: but having experience of such former actings, wee made nothing of it, but waited the issue: God therefore was sought to, to signifye something. whereby the innocent might bee acquitted, or the guilty discovered, [Page 14] & 'hee Answered our prayers, for by 2 evident & cleere mistakes she was cleered, & then all prejudices ceased, & she never more to this day hath impeached her of any apparition: in the fore mentioned allegation of the person, shee also signifyed that somet. the devil alsoe in the likenesse of a little boy appeared together with the person: Fryday was a sad day with her, for shee was sorely handled with fits, which some perceiving pressed that there was something yet behind not discovered by her; & shee after a violent fit, holding her betweene
two & 3 houres did first to one, & afterwards to many acknowledge that shee had given of her blood to the Devill, & made a covenant with him, whereupon I was sent for to her; & understanding how things had passed, I found that there was no roome for privacye, in another alredy made by her soe publicke, I therefore examined her concerning the matter; & found her not soe forward to confesse, as shee had bin to others, yet thus much I gathered from her confession:
That after shee came to dwell with us, one day as shee was alone in a lower roome, all the rest of us being in the chamber, she looked out at the window, & saw the devill in the habit of an old man, coming over a great meadow lying neere the house; & suspecting his designe, shee had thoughts to have gon away; yet at length resolved to tarry it out, & heare what hee had to say to her; when hee came hee demanded of her some of her blood, which shee forthwith consented to, & with a knife cut her finger, hee caught the blood in his hand, & then told her she must write her name in his booke, shee answered, shee could not
Write, but hee told her he would direct her hand, & then took a little sharpened sticke, & dipt in the blood, & put it into her hand, & guided it, & shee wrote her name with his helpe: what was the matter shee set her hand to, I could not learne from her; but thus much shee confessed, that the terme of time agreed upon with him was for 7 yeers; one yeere shee was to be faithfull in his service, & then the other six hee would serve her, & make her a witch: shee also related, that the ground of contest between her & the devill which was the occasion of this sad providence, was this, that after her covenant made the devill showed her hell & the damned, & told her if shee were not faithfull to him, shee should goe thither, & bee tormented there; shee desired of him to show her heaven, but hee told her that heaven was an ougly place, & that none went thither but a company of base roagues whom he hated; but if shee would obey him, it should be well with her: [Page 15] but afterward shee considered with herselfe, that the terme of her covenant, was but short, & would soone bee at an end, & shee doubted (for all the devills promises) shee must at last come to the place hee had showne her, & withall, feared, if shee were a witch, shee should bee discovered, &
brought to a shamefull end: which was many times a trouble on her spirits; this the Devill perceiving, urged upon her to give him more of her blood, & set her hand agen to his booke, which shee refused to doe, but partly through promises, partly by threatnings, hee brought her at last to a promise that shee would sometime doe it: after which hee left not incessantly to urge her to the performance of it, once hee met her on the staires. & often elsewhere pressing her with vehemencye, but shee still put it off; till the first night shee was taken when the devill came to her, & told her he would not tarry any longer: shee told him shee
would not doe it hee Answered shee had done it already, & what further damage would it bee to doe it agen, for shee was his sure enough: she rejoyned shee had done it already, & if shee were his sure enough, what need hee to desire any more of her: whereupon he strucke her the first night, agen more violently the 2nd as is above exprest :
This is the sum of the Relation I then had from her: which at that time seemed to bee methodicall: These things she uttered with great affection, overflowing of teares, & seeming bitternesse: I asked of the Reason of her weeping & bitternesse, shee complained of her sinns, & some in particular, profanation of the sabbath &c: but nothing of this sin of renouncing the goverment of God. & giving herselfe up to the devill: I therfore, (as God helped) applied it to her & asked her whether shee desired not prayers with & for her, shee assented with earnestnesse, & in prayer seemed to bewaile the sin as God helped,
then in the aggravation of it, & afterward declared a desire to rely on the power & mercy of God in Christ: shee then also declared, that the Devill had deceived her concerning those persons impeached by her, that hee had in their likenesse or resemblance tormented her, persuading her that it was they, that they bare her a spleen, but he loved her, & would free her from them, & pressed on her to endeavor to bring them forth to the censure of the law.
In this case I left her; but (not being satisfied in some things) I promised to visit her agen the next day which accordingly I did, but coming to her, I found her (though her speech still remained) in a case sad enough, her teares dryed up, & sences stupifyed, & (as was observed) when I [Page 16] could get nothing from her, & therfore applyed myselfe in counsell to her, shee regarded it not, but fixed her eye steadfastly upon a place, as shee was wont when the Devill presented himselfe to her, which was a griefe to her parents, & brought mee to a stand; in the condition I left her:
The next day, being the Sabbath, whither upon any hint given her, or any advantage Satan tooke by it upon her, shee sent for mee in hast at noone, coming to her, shee immediately with teares told me that shee had belied the Devill, in saying shee had given him of her blood: &c: professed that the most of the apparitions shee had spoken of were but fansyes, as images represented in a dreame; earnestly entreated me to beleeve her, called God to witnesse to her assertion, I told her I would willingly hope the best, & beleeve what I had any good grounds to apprehend; if therefore shee would tell a more methodicall
relation than the former, it would be well, but if otherwise, she must bee content that every one should censure according to their apprehension, shee promised soe to doe, & expressed a desire that all that would might heare her; that as they had heard soe many lyes & untruths, they might now heare the truth, & engaged that in the evening shee would doe it; I then repaired to her, & divers more then went; shee then declared thus much, that the Devill had sometimes appeared to her; that the occasion of it was her discontent, that her condition displeased her, her labor was burdensome to her, shee was neither content to bee at
home nor abroad; & had oftentime strong persuasions to practice in witchcraft, had often wished the Devill would come to her at such & such times, & resolved that if hee would, shee would give herselfe up to him soule & body: but (though hee had oft times appeared to her, yet) at such times hee had not discovered himselfe, and therfore shee had bin preserved from such a thing: I declared a suspicion of the truth of the relation, & gave her some Reasons; but by Reason of the company did n
[continued in note about her illness]
Notes about her accusation: (See also the main note about her).
Green's Note: During the witchcraft excitement at Salem, in the year 1692, no man of that day did more to expose the wicked character of the examinations and convictions than Thomas Brattle, of Boston. His good sense, and regard for truth and justice, are shown in a letter written at that time, though not published for more than a century later. It is found in the fifth volume of the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and the writer thus mentions Elizabeth Knapp’s case: - I cannot but admire [wonder] that these afflicted persons should be so much countenanced and encouraged in their accusations as they are: I often think of the Groton woman, that was afflicted, an account of which we have in print [in Mr. Willard's sermon], and is a [Page 22] most certain truth, not to be doubted of. I shall only say, that there was as much ground, in the hour of it, to countenance the said Groton woman, an | Knapp, Elizabeth (I4924)
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| 5637 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
There were 2 Sarah Heaths born in Haverhill around the time Jonathan
Simmons wife would have been born.
http://genweb.net/~rknowley/josiah_heath_born_september_4.html[maryabbywhi te.FTW]
There were 2 Sarah Heaths born in Haverhill around the time Jonathan
Simmons wife would have been born.
http://genweb.net/~rknowley/josiah_heath_born_september_4.html | Heath, Sarah (I4972)
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| 5638 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
They had 4 children.[maryabbywhite.FTW]
They had 4 children. | Family F1894
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| 5639 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
Isaac lived in Newton, Medford, Concord and Groton, MA.
The record gives an alternate birth location as Salem, Mass. Genealogical Dictionary of Frst Settlers of New England pub. by Jeritage Books, Inc. lists Isaac was of Groton. Apparently after he married Edith, lived in Newton. Also AP # 479. Lived in Newton, Medford, Concord and Groton, MA. Alt rec. give m. 10 Mar 1708/1709. Apparently these and most records have come from pages 198-199 of the NEHGR (New England History and Genealogy Register), Vol. 56, 1902.
This record and others had a son Jonathan (404) that apparently was not Isaac's son, but rather the son of a Benjamin and Sarah Patch, who were not in the records. The have been added and Jonathan relocated based on the extended research and note attached to the Jonathan record (404). | Patch, Isaac (I4931)
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| 5640 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
Jabez and Esther had nine children, four sons and five daughters. | Family F1875
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| 5641 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]
The Article "The Hazen Fam. - Four Generations in America" says she died 28 AUG 1828. | Hazen, Mary (I5403)
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| 5642 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged] Another source says he was born in 1585. | Allen, James (I5337)
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| 5643 |
[maryabwhiteanc.ged]Jacob Wright's wife may have been Abigail Warren instead. | Harwood, Abigail (I4934)
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| 5644 |
At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I0405)
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| 5645 |
At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I8261)
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| 5646 |
At least one living or private individual is linked to this note - Details withheld. | Living (I0488)
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| 5647 |
[page 117]
Levi Reynolds as boarder | Source (S67751)
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| 5648 |
[page 171]
Margaret J. Reynolds with family | Source (S67751)
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| 5649 |
[Page 22, Line 40-45]
Shows William Barton, Nannie, Claudie H., Leanna or Levera and Molly (Mary Lou) also shown farm laborer Ruben Starling with this family | Source (S67741)
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| 5650 |
[page 31]
Christian Pickle family. | Source (S67743)
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